Posted 6 a.m.
Sun., 02.07.10 - Several years
ago, I attended a meeting to address
crime in American cities that
included police officials from
cities around the country.
At one point
during a discussion of why homicide
rates are so much higher in some
cities than others, a police
official from Baltimore declared,
“You can’t compare us to San Diego!”
What did he mean?
The Baltimore
police official objected to
comparing his city’s homicide
problem with San Diego’s because he
is saddled with crime-producing
conditions unlike those his San
Diego colleagues have to face. Not
only is Baltimore’s homicide rate
higher than San Diego’s, so is its
poverty rate, unemployment rate, and
the incidence of nearly other social
condition correlated with crime.
And the police
have little control over those
conditions; they’re stuck dealing
with the crime that results. I
suspect the Baltimore police
official believes his job would be
much easier in San Diego.
Not long after
that meeting on city crime problems,
I joined with my colleagues Alfred
Blumstein of Carnegie Mellon
University and Robert Friedmann of
Georgia State University to, in
effect, put the Baltimore police
official’s message into practice.
Since 2002, we
have produced yearly rankings of
American cities according to their
homicide rates, after adjusting for
differences across cities in
poverty, median income, unemployment
and other conditions that are
strongly associated with city
homicide rates and over which the
police exert little control.
Basically, the procedure re-ranks
the cities based on their expected
homicide rates assuming they all
have the same level of poverty,
unemployment, etc.
We recently
published the homicide rankings for
63 large cities based on crime data
for 2008. Some cities, like Detroit,
rank near the top of the list before
adjusting the data for differences
in crime-producing factors. After
adjustment, Detroit’s rank dropped
dramatically. This means that
Detroit’s homicide rate in 2008 was
quite a bit lower than would be
expected based on its dire
socio-economic circumstances. Other
cities rose in rank after adjusting
for socio-economic differences,
meaning that their homicide rates
were higher than expected based on
their relatively benign conditions.
What about St.
Louis? In years passed, St. Louis’
homicide rank fell after the
statistical adjustment, but not in
2008. St. Louis ranked first among
the 63 cities in homicide before
adjusting for socioeconomic
differences and first after taking
into account its comparatively grim
circumstances.
It turns out
that the city’s homicide rate was
higher in 2008 than during the
previous several years, and almost
twice as great as the rate in 2003,
when homicide dropped to a level not
seen in decades. Socio-economic
conditions do not change this
rapidly and therefore cannot explain
St. Louis’s recent homicide rise.
Even the current economic downturn
is an unlikely culprit because the
homicide rate actually turned down
in 2009 as the crisis deepened.
My colleagues
and I used the most recent
comparative data available to
calculate city homicide rankings for
the first six months of 2009.
Although no longer at the top of the
list, St. Louis placed high in both
the unadjusted and adjusted
rankings, running neck-and-neck with
Baltimore. Meanwhile, San Diego
ranked far lower, both before and
after accounting for differences in
crime-producing conditions.
Meaningful
comparisons of city crime problems,
especially if they are used to
evaluate police performance, should
not stop with the raw crime rates.
They should also tell us something
about how those rates are affected
by economic and social conditions
for which the police are not
responsible but make their job more
or less difficult. In other words,
compare Baltimore’s crime problems
with St. Louis’, not San Diego’s.